United Lundyism The Belfast Lundyletter has now openly joined in the campaign to create a bogus "United Lundyism," while using the hoax of J118 becoming "First Minister." A great deal of nonsense will be written upon this subject in the coming days, most of it not worth reading.
The bottom line is; "Unionists" in the early years of the 1900`s had a better understanding of the Bible hence a better understanding of the dangers of "Popery." As ungodliness has gained ground within "Unionism" so there has emerged a willingness to embrace Babylonianism and its political schemes.
It has now reached the stage where the only ones who can claim to call themselves "Unionists" are those who oppose IRA/MI5 in government. Obviously the Lundy fanatics do not wish to have any kind of Spirtual or political opposition to their mindboggling wickedness. I cannot understand why anyone, never mind "Unionists" continue to but this alleged "newspaper."
This alleged "newspaper" is one the main mediums by which successive Lundy leaders have managed to dupe "Unionist voters" into believing "the IRA have been defeated and the Union is safe." They are now at a loss as to how they go about alarming the "Unionist electorate" into mindlessly voting for liars and rogues.
The following section gives a glimpse of the type of political, moral and terrorist espionage which can take place when a people now longer can discern Satan`s devices. 2 Corinthians 2:11 Lest Satan should get an advantage of us: for we are not ignorant of his devices.
The article below is taken from Lobster Parapolitic site, if you have any problems with it please sue them. If you have any further information which can give further enlightenment on this subject please contact the Lobster site. I do hope to post further articles from Lobster in other posts.
Any overseas visitors should be aware the same things are most likely taking place in you country.
Lobster Parapolitic 1983 Issue 1
Kincoragate
Steve Dorril
NB. Some of the statements about Colin Wallace in this article are false. Wallace did not set up the "school teacher named Horn"; nor was he having an affair with Horn's wife. This article, remarkable at the time, was written before Dorril made contact with Colin Wallace.
It is clear that there is a continuing cover-up of the unsavoury activities that took place at the Kincora boys' home in East Belfast during the early seventies. After studying a Royal Ulster Constabulary file, the Director of Public Prosecutions recently decided that there are to be no further prosecutions in connection with allegations of homosexuality involving civil servants, military officers and Ulster politicians. (1)
As with most cover-ups, the Kincora affair is multi-layered. In 1981 when three employees of the home were jailed after admitting charges of buggery, indecent assault, and gross indecency with the boys in their care, reports appeared in the press that Kincora was the centre of an 'establishment' vice ring; that this had been known by certain Ulster politicians for nearly ten years; and that they had been part of the cover-up. That may well be the case, but a closer examination suggests that Kincora is the link to a murky world of black propaganda, blackmail and assassination.
A second report on the affair has been prepared by Sir George Terry who retired as Chief Constable of Sussex this year. (2)
It was due for release immediately after the general election, but has yet to appear. Andrew Pollack (3) of the Irish Times has said that police enquiries have been frustrated by the silence of a former military officer, Colin Wallace, currently serving a ten year sentence in Lewes, Sussex, for the murder of his mistress's husband in 1980.
Wallace told both the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Sussex police that he would be in breach of the Official Secrets Act if he talked to them. Major Wallace is probably wise to stay silent. There is a great deal to conceal, and as Kenneth Littlejohn and John Black discovered, the British intelligence services are as ruthless as any other country's when it comes to silencing potential sources of embarrassment. (4)
Wallace came originally from County Antrim and was working as a PR man for the Royal Ulster Rangers when the British Army moved into Northern Ireland in 1969. He was the author of a briefing document issued to British officers on arrival. He moved into the Army's headquarters at Lisburn and was promoted to Senior Press Officer, where he worked closely with the Psychological Operations Department (Psyops) then headed by Major Richard Stannard. (5) It is claimed that Wallace effectively ran the operation until 1975.
When the Army arrived in Northern Ireland they found the intelligence unit in a mess. It consisted of only half a dozen officers who were mainly involved in the vetting of military and civilian posts. A complete lack of intelligence on the paramilitary groupings was revealed when internment began in July 1971. This created great problems for the Army when its role as a 'buffer' broke down and it had to engage both Protestant and Republican forces. With 90% of the RUC Protestant, the Army saw that it couldn't be relied on for intelligence on its own community.
MI5 officers were called in to sort out intelligence gathering. At this time Army Intelligence were "strictly forbidden to give information to the RUC." (6) Even though a working party with the RUC was set up, unofficially at least, the policy seems to have been set by the Army.
Black propaganda and covert action began once it became clear that internment had failed. 1971 saw Oliver Wright replaced by Howard Smith (later head of MI5) as intelligence co-ordinator, and the establishment of a Psyops Unit at the Lisburn Headquarters. The then head of the Information Policy Unit told reporters "there is nothing sinister in this."(7)
A confidential document "Training in Psychological Operations" states that "strategic psywar pursues long-term and mainly political objectives. It is designed to undermine the will of the enemy or hostile groups to fight. ...it can be directed against the dominant political party in the enemy country, the government or particular elements of it. It is planned and controlled at the highest political authority."(8)
At the Lisburn headquarters there was close liaison between the Psyops Units, Army Intelligence and the Security Services. One of their chief sources of information came from homosexuals who were used to gather intelligence on extreme Protestant groups.(9) The Army didn't trust the RUC Special Branch.(10) Homosexuality was still a crime in Northern Ireland and provided excellent opportunities for compromise and blackmail. One of the Protestant politicians used in this manner was William McGrath.
The 65 year old McGrath became a Kincora housewarden in 1971. Since the 40's he had been well known both as a homosexual and a religious extremist. It is likely that Wallace was one of those who knew: it is understood that as early as 1973 Wallace had quietly briefed journalists about McGrath's activities. David McKittrick of the Irish Times has written of Wallace: "It was clear that he had access to the highest levels of intelligence data. He had an encyclopaedic memory which he occasionally refreshed with calls on his personal scrambler telephone to the headquarters intelligence sections a few floors above his office. (11)
By the spring of 1971 the authorities had become desperate to penetrate the terrorist networks. Under the influence of counter-insurgency expert, Frank Kitson, the Army organised other intelligence operations along the lines used by Kitson against the Mau-Mau in Kenya. The Military Reconnaissance Force (MRF) was created for this task. SAS trained, and including SAS personnel, the MRF numbered about 40 and specialised in covert action. They set up Loyalist and Republican 'pseudo-gangs' to infiltrate and subvert their enemies' operations. (12)
The pseudo-gangs set up in 1972 "contributed towards the stimulation of real psychosis of a 'war of religion'. It was the year of the sectarian murder. Appalling, motiveless murders. At nightfall Catholics were murdered apparently without reason: in some cases corpses were dumped in Protestant ghettos. It seemed that these were ritual killings, at times accompanied by mutilations; they terrorised the nationalist population."(13)
The pseudo-gangs were directed from the outside by the Army Intelligence. They retained a high degree of independence but were always open to manipulation and infiltration. They owed much of their training, supply of intelligence and materials to the British Army, routed through the RUC and the Ulster Defence Regiment. (14)
Among the pseudo-gangs were the 'Red Hand Commando' and the 'Ulster Freedom Fighters'. The self-confessed head of the shadowy para-military group, Tara, another pseudo-gang, was none other than the 'Beast of Kincora' - William McGrath.
During the sixties McGrath held Sunday night meetings at his house in the University area, attended by up-and-coming Unionists. He forecast a holocaust in Ulster and portrayed liberal Unionists as IRA dupes. In 1969 he founded an Orange Lodge: in line with his claim that Protestants originally inhabited Ireland, its motto was in Gaelic. Several of the young Unionists from those meetings appear to have graduated to the paramilitary Tara. (15)
Other gangs appeared on the scene. It is known, for example, that British Intelligence was responsible for the Ulster Freedom Fighters in the summer of 1973. "Initially it consisted of a small number of ex-convicts brought together and controlled by British Intelligence. These in turn recruited and controlled others who believed they were members of a genuine loyalist secret organisation." (16) The gangs were designed to spread disinformation, dissension within the Loyalist ranks, and foment infighting.
In the wake of the successful Ulster Worker Council's strike in May, 1974, the British Government, under Prime Minister Wilson, tried to renew contacts with the Republican movement. It felt that it was still possible to extract concessions from the IRA for a possible peace settlement.
The British State had learned one lesson from the failure of the 1972 Whitelaw meeting with the IRA: (17) the hardliners had to be separated off from the middle ground - and, more importantly, that included Protestants and Republicans.
While armed hostilities ceased temporarily following the arranged truce with the Provisionals, the propaganda war continued. A new committee was set up in 1974 - 'Planned and controlled at the highest political authority' - to take charge of the black propaganda operations. It consisted of Michael Cudlipp(18), the Northern Ireland Press Attache, personally appointed by Harold Wilson; David McDine, the Army's Chief Information officer; and the brain behind Psyops, Lt.-Col. James Railton, head of the Information Policy Unit. (19)
They produced a confidential report a propos a campaign against extremist Loyalist politicians and organisations. 'Its targets included both Republican and Loyalist leaders. Lurid tales of their personal lives, allegations of embezzlement and involvement in sectarian assassination were fabricated and fed to selected journalists." (20) The RUC, interrelated with the Loyalist community, opposed such a campaign. (21) It mattered little: it went ahead anyway. Wallace was already busy spreading disinformation. (22)
Major Wallace was a key figure in the campaign against the Rev. Ian Paisley, aimed at undermining the extreme Loyalists to the benefit of the moderates. On one occasion he attempted to link Paisley with McGrath's Tara group. The British Army Intelligence report, which Wallace gave to a few reporters, described one of Tara's leaders thus: "He is said to be a homosexual..he is also thought to owe more allegiance to the red flag than either to the Union Jack or to the Tricolour." (23) The story is still widely believed in Northern Ireland.
At the same time Railton's Information Policy Group was involved in a disinformation exercise producing fake Loyalist papers. Denouncing the excesses of Protestant militias like UVF and the UDA, they were designed to produce conflict between the different paramilitary groupings. They were distributed by the ghost group Tara.
More off-the-record briefings hinted that Paisley was linked to Tara, described in one anonymous tract as "riddled with homosexuals and communists." (24) At various times Tara was linked with Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church and Democratic Unionist Party, as well as with the Official Unionist Party and the Orange Order. Some journalists, including Chris Ryder of the Sunday Times, eagerly published these stories. By 1976 even Paisley realised that a psychological warfare operation had been launched against him.
In 1974 Wallace was involved in another black propaganda exercise producing a series of leaflets from the socialist grouping 'The Ulster Citizen's Army'. One stated that a secret faction existed within the UDA. They sent a communique to the press stating: "The Ulster Freedom Fighters operate under the control of the SAS. Numerous sectarian killings have been perpetrated by the SAS using the name of the UFF. Consequently the UCA threatens to launch retaliatory actions against British interests if this state of things does not cease."
The UCA was largely disregarded by local newsmen who rightly attributed the leaflets to Army Intelligence, as they carried both the Loyalist red hand symbol and the plough and stars of the Official IRA.(25) But it was difficult to ignore totally since some of the facts produced were true. The SAS were operating through and within these pseudogangs. The leaflets named up to 20 Loyalist politicians allegedly involved in these activities. The targets were those Loyalist politicians who seemed to be turning away from paramilitary activity towards a political role, and in some cases thought to be talking to the Republican side. They were thinking of people like Andy Tyrie, the UDA's senior spokesman, who was extremely annoyed by the leaflets. He informed some reporters that he knew the name of the leaflets' author and there was pressure on him to order the assassination of the alleged author.
What Tyrie didn't know was that the alleged author, a school teacher named Horn, had been set up by Wallace, the real author of the leaflets. Wallace was having an affair with Horn's wife, and may have hoped that this propaganda effort would lead to the death of the innocent Mr Horn. Tyrie had been given Horn's name by another English journalist who worked in the Army's Press Office and who was a friend of Wallace. (26)
The Army probably lost little sleep over the disclosure of the existence of these pseudo-gangs. By this time they were clearly becoming an embarrassment; and as the different security agencies were not fully open with each other, it was unclear who had effective control over them. Anyway the propaganda efforts were being used to promote the 'peaceful' efforts of the 'Peace Movement'. For the moment the Army took a softly-softly line.
By 1975 Wallace had gone too far with his black propaganda operations and was losing his value to the Army. He was drummed out after being revealed as Times reporter Robert Fisk's informant at the Lisburn barracks. (He posted a batch of classified documents through Fisk's door, and Fisk's cleaning lady, whose husband was in the RUC, handed them over to the authorities.) Fisk fled to Dublin and Wallace was taken to Preston for an extensive debriefing before being dismissed. (27)
One of his last acts was to give an Irish Times reporter the names of four men he considered leaders of Tara. Two of them are now prominent Unionists, one in Paisley's D.U.P and the fourth has been an editor of Paisley's Protestant Telegraph. (28,29)
As Wallace s usefulness to the Army ended (30) so McGrath's political activities faded from view. Though many complaints were made by Protestants about the homosexual goings-on at Kincora, the Army and the security services managed to keep the affair quiet for fear of revealing their own roles. RUC detectives had had McGrath and another warden, Joseph Mains, under surveillance in 1975. But it wasn't until an article in the Irish Independent in 1980 that a real enquiry took place. Led by Supt. George Carsey, it lasted twenty months. Some 700 people were interviewed at the end. McGrath and two Kincora colleagues were convicted, along with two other officials from Belfast Boys Home, and a scoutmaster who had acted as an unpaid social worker.
As with most cover-ups, this one has been as messy and corrupt as the original activites.(31) During the RUC enquiries two political figures were mentioned. One was John McKeague, who played a prominent part in the sectarian disturbances in Belfast in 1969. Soon after he was interviewed and warned that he would be reported to the Director of Public Prosecutions for alleged homosexual offences, he was assassinated, January 29th, 1981. Later that evening a call to Downtown Radio claimed the murder was the work of the Irish National Liberation Army.
Nobody believes that and even detectives on the case believe he was killed to keep him quiet. (Shortly before he died he spoke of exposing others.)
The other politician involved was a 70 year old bachelor, Joss Cardwell, a former Stormont MP and a long-serving member of Belfast City Council. He had been Chairman of the Committee responsible for the running of the Kincora Home. On April 25th 1982 Cardwell was found dead in the front seat of his car in the garage of his Belfast house. At an inquest the Coroner decided that he had died of carbon monoxide poisoning and said that his death was inexplicable.
Notes
Chris Ryder, ST May 22nd 1983. (A list of the abbreviations used throughout this mag. is at the end of these notes.)
Terry is a trustee of the privately financed 'Police Foundation' formed May 1981 to carry out research and improve the public image of the police.(State Research June 1981)
Andrew Pollack, NS April 8th 1983
Littlejohn's fate is well known. On Black's experience see Ambush At TullyWest (later editions known as The British Intelligence Services In Action), Kennedy Lindsay, (Dundalk, Ireland, 1980)
Stannard subsequently left the Army and was hired by Ian Smith's government to head the Psyops supports to the (then) Rhodesian Army.
Irish Times, April 22nd 1980
G. October 28th 1976
Sections of the Psyops documents are printed in the WRP's anthology from Newsline: Britain's State Within The State (New Park Publications, London. No publishing date given, but circa 1979)
Chris Ryder, ST 5th December 1982
A good account of the jostling for control of the different agencies is in Who Dares Wins, Tony Geraghty (Fontana, London 1983) page 190 et seq.
Leveller no 53
See Frank Kitson Gangs and Countergangs (Barrie and Rockcliffe, London 1960)
Roger Faligot, Britain's Military Strategy in Northern Ireland (Zed Press, 1983) p37
In one case.."ten proven IRA activists were arrested and given the choice between long terms of imprisonment or undercover work for the British Army. Commanded by a Parachute Regiment Captain, they were known as the Special Detachment of the MRF....(they) lived in one half of a semi-detached married quarter in the heavily guarded Hollywood barracks at Belfast." Geraghty (ibid) pl85/6
Pollack, NS February 12th 1982
Lindsay (ibid) pl50
The best treatment of the IRA/ Whitelaw meeting and British attempts to reach a settlement in Northern Ireland is in Anthony Verrier, Through The Looking Glass - British Foreign Policy in The Age Of Illusions (Jonathan Cape, London 1983) ch. 8
Cudlipp is now Director of Information for the Thompson Organisation.
Railton, like most of those involved in Psyops, received training at Fort Meade, USA. From 1973 the Information Policy Unit had more than forty press officers, supported by a hundred secretaries and supplemented by twelve RUC PR officers, and twenty people from the Northern Ireland Office. i.e. more than one hundred and seventy people involved in directing Psychological warfare in Northern Ireland (Le Monde, 8th March 1976)
Jonathan Bloch and Patrick Fitzgerald, British Intelligence and Covert Action (Junction Books London 1983, p227)
One press account (Chris Ryder's)suggests that an influential group of senior officers at Lisburn opposed black propaganda and argued for a straightforward release of information. They believed it was doing serious harm to the credibility of the Army and to the Government in its efforts to find a political solution. Possible, but it sounds like a belated attempt to clean up the Army's image.
Bloch and Fitzgerald (ibid)
Leveller no 53 (ibid)
Faligot (ibid) p70
Lindsay (ibid) p243
Leveller (ibid)
Leveller (ibid)
Pollack ('82) (ibid)
"The jury found Wallace guilty of what the judge called a 'dreadful and horrifying killing ', after they heard how he had fought with the 29 year old Sussex antique dealer and then dumped his body in the river. Wallace had been having an affair with Lewis' wife, Jane. The case became known as the 'It's a Knockout' trial because the affair started when the couple organised a local heat of the BBC TV competition." (Leveller ibid)
In a recent report from David McKittrick, Wallace admitted to him that British intelligence had been guilty of serious misbehaviour. This included, he said, the planting of ammunition on Republican suspects, unauthorised phone-tapping, and deliberately misleading Sir Harold Wilson and Northern Ireland Secretary, Merlyn Rees. These, I would suggest, are the milder charges that could be laid against him.
When the Rev. Ian Paisley did come out and demand a public enquiry it was greeted as another cynical move. It was highly likely that an enquiry would not materialise under the expensive and cumbersome 1921 Tribunal Enquiry Act. It is probable though, that Paisley realised that the source of the Kincora allegations was Army intelligence and didn't want to play their game.
Abbreviations
Certain names are going to recur through this magazine. For brevity's sake we will use the following abbreviations:
G - Guardian
T - Times (London)
ST - Sunday Times (London)
O - Observer
IHT - International Herald Tribune
NS - New Statesman
SR - State Research
SL - Searchlight
9 All ye beasts of the field, come to devour, yea, all ye beasts in the forest.
10 His watchmen are blind: they are all ignorant, they are all dumb dogs, they cannot bark; sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber.
11 Yea, they are greedy dogs which can never have enough, and they are shepherds that cannot understand: they all look to their own way, every one for his gain, from his quarter.
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